Essay on "Equality and Diversity"

Essay 8 pages (2863 words) Sources: 20 Style: Harvard

[EXCERPT] . . . .

It is reverse-discrimination and has its own social, political, and economic consequences, such as strikes, protests, and economic downturns. The Soviet Union suffered massive seizures throughout the 20th century as it attempted to foist "equality" on its citizens and eventually it collapsed because legislating equality was the same as curbing free will and reducing human beings to automatons (Solzhenitsyn, 1973).

Such a danger is the biggest disadvantage of all for legislating an end to workplace inequality. Throughout all of history in all cultures, societies have commented on the differences between men and women. It is only in today's modern world that doing so has become taboo. The politically correct way of approaching gender is to posit the theory of "equality," an Age of Enlightenment ideology that still persists because of its political ramifications. Equality has become a political ploy, a gambit to change institutions, movements, and beliefs (such as those of Catholics). If politicians and lawmakers are seriously interested in ending income, employment and opportunity disparity between ethnic majorities and minorities, men and women, it may require more than a simple Bill to do so. Laws can always be gotten around. What is at stake is a way of thinking -- a culture itself that must change and become more accepting.

For instance, ethnic minorities are still at a disadvantage when it comes to employment. Black youth unemployment in the UK was more than double that of white youth unemployment in 2014 (Labour Force Party, 2015). The reasons for this are cultural -- not legislative. Urban blacks do not share a culture or ethic identical to whites and therefore do not necessarily seek the same "employment." The other side of it is that employers do not view blacks as having the same work ethic as whites and therefore are less willing to employ them in the same sort of job environments. Stigmas exist as well as prejudices: these are cultural phenomena that do not go away with the passing of a Bill. Legislation enforcing "equality" only serves to exacerbate such stigmas and prejudices, as employers feel that their own beliefs are being infringed upon and employees feel that their workplace has just become that much more manipulated and "unfree."

Returning to the case study example of the Catholic Church's position regarding the Harman Bill of 2010, one sees a possible solution to the problem of ending workplace inequality via legislation: the best position for legislators to take may be no position. Inequalities exist and perhaps should be tolerated. Attempting to end them by legislation may be akin to trying to change human nature, as Lenin and Stalin attempted to do in the failed Soviet experiment. If any lessons are to be learned, it may be found by looking East to a nation that actually attempted to end inequality for the sake of liberty and fraternity, and ended up destroying both and itself. The disadvantages therefore are fundamentally more significant than the perceived advantages.

Instead of legislating, the UK may benefit more from educating or from community "reach-out" programs. It may benefit more from attempting to understand its own citizens' cultures. With so many different ethnicities now in the UK, it is understandable that each would see itself differently, that some would be more accepting of inequalities than others; that some would seek different means of employment than others. It is perhaps unrealistic to imagine that lawmakers can put such different persons and cultures into one mixing pot and expect them all to melt together into a homogenous whole. Culture and tradition is often deeper than the passing of legislation. Henry VIII attempted to stamp out the Roman Church in England -- yet 500 years later that Church still exists. It is unlikely that the Harman Bill will be any more effective than a King was half a millennium ago, if only because it seeks to do no more -- the legislative enforcement of an ideal, rather than the cultural promotion of one (Monagha, 2011). Perhaps the greatest disadvantage of pursuing such a course of action is that it alters the course of history, fragments what unity existed, disturbs individuals' sense of right and free will, and threatens international conflict (as ethnicities and organizations are not insular just because they live in the UK). There is more to be considered in social, political, and economic terms when dealing with workplace inequality than the mere ramming through of legislation purporting to "end" inequality. So while the Harman Bill, which eventually became the Equality Act of 2010, struck a blow for legislators seeking to enforce an ideal that is neither shared by all nor considered pragmatic by all, its advantages are mainly merely political, while its disadvantages are essentially felt by all (Richardson, Hoar, 2010).

In conclusion, in spite of recommendations from scholars like Deakin and McLaughlin (2011), who advocate inequality eradication via employer disclosure and better enforcement of the law, the disadvantages of eradicating inequality in the workplace via legislation are much deeper than a superficial redressing can touch. There are cultural differences at work, as seen in organizations such as the Catholic Church, which allows only men to become priests, or in ethnic minorities such as Pakistanis and Bangladeshis, who show a substantial difference between male and female roles in the workplace. Equality is not an issue that all hold as an essential ideal, as the workplace itself indicates, statistically speaking. If equality were a fundamental and natural right, the marketplace would already reflect it. On the contrary, the workplace shows substantially that differences exist in the way that minorities and majorities, men and women, perceive themselves and one another. Ending inequality, therefore, requires a much more fundamental undertaking. Introducing legislation, such as the Harman Bill, only incites opposition. To promote equality as an ideal, one must begin at the culture, social level -- not at the legislative level. Once the cultural, social change has occurred, the legislative changes can be approved more easily. Legislature works best when it reflects the demands of the society, not when it acts as a hammer upon that same society, expecting individuals to bend and give as it makes into law ideals that the society itself does not fully support or hold as primarily essential to a functioning workplace environment.

Reference List

Bambra, C., Pope, D. (2007). What are the effects of anti-discriminatory legislation on socioeconomic inequalities in the employment consequences of ill health and disability? Journal of Epidemiology Community Health, 61(5): pp. 421-426.

BBC. (2008). Move to change succession laws. BBC News. [Accessed 16 Jan 2015].

Retrieved from: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/politics/7357017.stm

Bloxham, A. (2011). Centuries-old rule of primogeniture in Royal Family scrapped.

Telegraph. [Accessed 16 Jan 2015]. Retrieved from: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/theroyalfamily/8854981/Centuries-old-rule-of-succession-in-British-Royal-family-scrapped-by-Commonwealth.html

Bovill, D. (2014) Estimates from the Annual Survey of Hours and Earnings, UK, 1997 to

2013. Office for National Statistics.

Deakin, S., McLaughlin, C. (2011). Gender inequality and reflexive law: the potential of different regulatory mechanisms for making employment rights effective. Centre for Business Research, University of Cambridge. [Accessed 16 Jan 2015]. Retrieved from: http://www.cbr.cam.ac.uk/pdf/WP426.pdf

Fillingham, R.B. (2000) Sex, gender, and pain: Women and men really are different.

Current Review of Pain 4(1): pp. 24-30.

Hennessy, P. (2010) Catholic ban on women priests illegal under Harriet Harman equality bill. Daily Telegraph. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/religion/6956849/Catholic-ban-on-women-priests-illegal-under-Harriet-Harman-equality-bill.html

Labour Force Survey (April to June, 2014). (2015). Office for National Statistics.

Monaghan, K. (2011). The Equality Act is one. The Guardian. [Accessed 16 Jan 2015].

Retrieved from: http://www.theguardian.com/law/2011/oct/03/equality-act-first-anniversary

Pierce, A. (2008). U-turn on royal succession law change. Telegraph. [Accessed 16 Jan

2015]. Retrieved from: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/theroyalfamily/1905565/U-turn-on-royal-succession-law-change.html

Richardson, A., Hoar, C. (2010). The new Equality Act and you. BBC. [Accessed 16

Jan 2015]. Retrieved from: http://www.bbc.com/news/business-11453052

Rousseau, J.J. (1762). Social Contract. NY: Simon Schuster.

Solzhenitsyn, A. (1973). Gulag Archipelago. NY: Random House.

Swinson, J. (2014) Creating a fairer and more equal society. Department for Education,

Government Equalities Office. [Accessed 16 Jan 2015]. Retried from: https://www.gov.uk/government/policies/creating-a-fairer-and-more-equal-society

Walker, K. (2009). Christmas could be killed off by Harman's Equality Bill, bishops warn. Daily Mail. [Accessed 16 Jan 2015]. Retrieved from: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1228643/Christmas-killed-Harmans-Equality-Bill-bishops-warn.html

Weaver, R. (1984). Ideas Have Consequences. IL: University of Chicago Press. READ MORE

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