Research Paper on "Redesignation Process Rfep"

Research Paper 11 pages (3309 words) Sources: 20 Style: APA

[EXCERPT] . . . .

Redesignation Process

In June, 1998, a Proposition was passed in California that significantly changed how English learners (ELs) were given instruction. This reversed two decades of bi-lingual education in the classroom and required all Limited English Proficiency (LEP) students to be taught English by immersion. Proposition 227's requirements included guidance that ELs be taught predominantly English, primarily, by sheltered or structured English immersion (SEI) programs for a limited time period. This transition period was intended to last one year, and then the ELs would be put into mainstream English-language classrooms (American Institutes for Research, 2006, p. vii).

The California Department of Education "California English Language Development Test (CELDT) Assistance Packet for School Districts/Schools (February 2005) gives the following definition of reclassification: "…Reclassification/Redesignation is the process through which students who have been identified as English learners are reclassified as fluent English proficient (RFEP) when they have demonstrated that they are able to compete effectively with English-speaking peers in mainstream classes" (Mora, 2006, para. 2).

The Legislative Analyst's Office Report (January 2006) contains the following language:

Reclassification/Redesignation Process: English learners are reclassified as "fluent" when they have sufficient English skills to learn in a regular classroom with extra assistance and perform in academic subjects at approximately "grade level" (Mora, 2006, para. 3).

Process

Almost half of public school students in California live in homes where the most frequently spoken language is not English. Students whose primary language is not English

take the California English Language Development Test (CELDT) within 30 days of their initial enrollment in the state's public schools. About 1.7 million students took the test in 2006-07. The CELDT tests different material at each of four grade spans (kindergarten through grade 2, grades 3-5, 6-8, and 9-12) and assesses four skill areas: listening, speaking, reading and writing. Students who achieve specified scores overall and in each skill area on their initial test are identified as initially fluent English Proficient (IFEP).The remaining students are designated as English learners and must take the CELDT each year until they meet all district-specified criteria and are reclassified as fluent English proficient (RFEP). Most students entering California's schools with primary languages other than English are identified as English learners (Edsource, 2008, para. 1-3 & Diagram).

Demographics

Data from the school year 2006-2007 show that, of the 6.3 million K-12 students in California, 1.6 million, or about 25%, were considered ELs. This percentage has been fairly stable over the decade prior to this school year. A somewhat surprising number is that

California's ELs actually comprise almost one-third of the nation's English learners. While it is true that state definitions of ELs are similar, the criteria and assessment tools used to determine who is and who isn't, vary quite a bit.

The large majority of ELs in California are Spanish-speaking (85%), which should not come as a surprise. Statistics show that the other 15% speak 50 different languages. A significant portion of these ELs enter the system in kindergarten (42%), so the early grades have a disproportionate share. The share of ELs in later grades decrease, of course, due to the success of the program to integrate students into English-speaking classes, which eliminates their categorization as ELs. Unfortunately, some of the lower numbers of ELs in upper grades are caused by the fact that the student drops out of school. By 12th grade, the percentage of ELs in school plunges to 11%. (EdSource Inc., 2008, pp. 1-3)

There is no pattern as to how ELs are distributed geographically through the state. And they are not just in inner-urban areas or rural agricultural areas. The majority are in Southern California with a higher percentage around Los Angeles (32%). However, there is also a significant contingent of ELs in the San Francisco area (13%) and in the Central California valley (19%).

In California, the five most populated counties are Los Angeles, San Diego, Orange, San Bernardino, and Riverside -- all in the southern part of the state. These counties hold about 54% of California's total population and 55% of its children. And approximately 59% of the state's ELs are located in these same five counties (EdSource, Inc., 2008).

It's interesting to note that the state's ten largest school districts instruct only 21% of the state's total student population, but about 28% of the ELs. Santa Ana Unified School District in Orange County is the largest by percentage of ELs (54%) -- almost twice the average. By percentage the LA School District is second (38%) (EdSource, Inc., 2008, pp. 5-6).

Debate

The originator of the Proposition 227 was Ron Unz. He claimed, prior to passage, that a five per cent reclassification/redesignation rate of ELs to fluent proficient English indicated that the current bilingual education was a failure. Critics, after the passage of 227, said that redesignation rates had not improved. They also claimed that the rates, prior to 227, were around seven per cent, not five per cent, and that they were increasing before 227. Secondly, they said that that rates after 227 passed were about eight per cent, further establishing the fact that there was no improvement in redesignation rates (Grissom, 2004).

It is a debate between English bi-lingual education and English immersion and which works best. Prop. 227 supports immersion; many educators, test results, and conclusions about the effectiveness of 227, support either bi-lingual or immersion -- but neither one by any significant margin over the other.

Unfortunately, this debate, like many others, has been dragged across emotional, political, and interest group borders to the point that the facts are difficult to discern. So, we will first analyze the results of Proposition 227 after it had been in effect for several years to attempt to determine accurate data as to its success or failure.

To do this, we'll utilize an evaluative study contracted by the California Department of Education with American Institutes for Research (AIR) and accomplished independently after Prop. 227 had been effect for five years. Next, we will analyze a study based on ten individuals from a foreign country who were indoctrinated in the 1980s into English through a more standard bi-lingual classroom atmosphere (Obudo, 2007).

Evaluating Proposition 227

Proposition 227 was introduced at a time when the California school system was undergoing reform efforts in many areas and there was a heightened attention to accountability. A number of programs and policies were all being put into action at the same time, and there was a significant amount of pressure on school districts and individual schools to show improvement in concrete ways. To say the least, the atmosphere was highly politicized and the implementation process complicated.

Probably the most significant change in policy that impacted 227 as it was being implemented was an initiative to reduce class sizes. This initiative also gave schools considerable financial incentive to, not only reduce the size of classes, but do it quickly. The legislation applied to grades K-3 and called for a reduction in class size to no more than 20 students. This had an enormous impact on the hiring of teachers in the state. Some 28,000 needed to be hired to fill the extra classrooms required to handle the smaller class sizes. And this impact was felt in the first three years. The impact felt by students, including ELs, and their quickly trained dual-language teachers, was huge.

These complicated sets of impacts, along with new state assessment tools, additional policy reforms and the creation of the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) in 2002 -- all occurring within about a five-year period after passage of 227, did have a significant effect on EL instruction. When respondents to the American Institutes for Research study responded to questions about how serious the impacts were, the majority said they believed that all of these issues, occurring within a short timeframe affected EL education in the state at least as much as Proposition 227. Lest there be any doubt, this was no positive intent meant by these respondents!

Given some context by this previous information, we can move on to look at the basic affectivity of Prop. 227 and its impact on the successful resignation/reclassification of ELs to fluent English proficient status (RFEP). This is the key indicator of the success of EL programs, and it is these numbers that always take a prominent role in any debate -- and there are many of them -- about Proposition 227 vs. bi-lingual classroom education.

One statement I found consistent about any evaluation of the success of both the English immersion and bi-lingual classroom programs is that it is a complicated business. Without going into an extensive list of complications, I will note here that everything from the basic definition of what an EL is, to the criteria used to establish success or not, to the measurement tools used to evaluate, to the lack of accurate, effective assessment tools, and more, are open to question. The main problem created by all this, is that comparing apples to apples is a shot in the dark. Coming… READ MORE

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