Essay on "Nuclear Technology, Why Hasn"

Essay 12 pages (3939 words) Sources: 10

[EXCERPT] . . . .

This can also generate sense of equality and security among the members (Prosser, 2004).

Many challenges are posed by this commitment and proposal. If two or more member states of AU get involved in military conflict or threaten to use the NBCW, complexities can arise. To easily resolve such a situation, each country needs to sign another negative security assurance agreement with the U.S. And AU. Such an agreement of not deploying any nuclear weapon in any kind of conflict can guarantee compliance with international tools and non-proliferation in terms of no-first-use. If a situation arises where an AU member covered by the U.S. security umbrella engages in a military conflict with another AU member having the same U.S. security benefits and both of them threaten to use nuclear weapons, U.S. can only defend the member country which avoids using nuclear weapons (Prosser, 2004).

Through the Association of South East Asian Nations, a check on proliferation can be done in Asia. The security assurance extension to South Korea may invoke the security concerns of the neighboring Asian countries as well as generate a sense of vulnerability and insecurity. Such events could encourage the ASEAN members to undertake new NBCW initiatives. If ASEAN is extended the same assurance, it will cover its entire member under one roof. In addition, a fear of U.S. attack on the states which are not covered by the U.S. umbrella can encourage them to identify methods to defend and secure itself against U.S. threat under the pretext of its guarantee (Risen, 1999).

The members of NATO have effectively deployed the above mentioned strategy. Since there is no explicit and clear negative security assurance, some members of NATO can avoid any type of proliferation because most of the members of NATO, if not all, are covered by the U.S. security assurance (Bassey, 2011).

After mentioning the aforementioned facts and strategies, it is essential to emphasize the importance of non-use and no-first-use agreements as being a strong tool of non-proliferation. The principle of non-use must be clearly and explicitly defined and reinforced strongly to confirm that the nuclear states will resist the temptation to use the nuclear weapons even when it is the most desirable choice of military conflict. Rogue states are required to proliferate for this most basic principle. A constant fear is set amongst the non-nuclear states especially in the Middle East countries that the U.S. And other nuclear states would attack without honoring their commitment of non-use in military hostility situation. Since the non-use framework is still vague, this fear is clearly justified. Security assurances might not be a strong enough tool to deter the states in agreeing to NBCW because of the fact that war is an unpredictable event which can stir the nationalism feelings (Bassey, 2011).

The reason and significance behind the enlargement of this security is to protect localized organizations which ultimately include the security of the members. The extensive level of these securities which aims to protect few states in same area is not only creating too many problems but also become irritating. The one problem is that if any state gets neglected then this result in inequality which also makes them to think about adopting various ways that can make them identifiable. By acting on NBCW, it becomes easy to make the thriving state more procured. If any state has nuclear skills then it also gives strength to its status and rises its negotiating power on not only national level but also gives it priority at international level (Bassey, 2011).

Hence it is important to deter the multi-production of those weapons which are not conventional; this guarantees that security precautions are spread to all the members by every local organization (Bassey, 2011).

To decrease the multi-production of weapons effectively government should make proper rules and also take care of international relations, economic diplomacy, need of severe funds from NPT along with sanctions (Bassey, 2011).

It has also been observed that by taking steps for controlling economic and law related matters, they can result in effectively decreasing the speed of progress in NBCW reproduction. It can be done by stopping to give access to non-nuclear regions toward nuclear sciences. Having controlled on laws also has a good impact on this side and it can result in trade ban, separation of tactful ties or imposture of outcast position on prospering state. The main steps can be taken by International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), as they are the main authority so they can easily make equal and obvious standards that can be adopted in future. If in case any state shows reluctance in adopting these standards, it will most likely face some lawful punishments or penalizing acts. The absence of these standards gives ways to states to intern or restrict in using nuclear technology (Bassey, 2011).

Behrens (2003) also writes that some "nonproliferation concerns include a number of regional crisis points. In the Middle East, the possibility that Iraq has resumed, or may resume, its nuclear weapons program is a major concern driving the U.S. campaign against Saddam Hussein's regime. Iran's nuclear weapons development is also a threat, with recently released satellite evidence indicating that it is constructing uranium enrichment and heavy water production facilities. North Korea's acknowledgment that it is developing uranium enrichment capability, and moves to restart its plutonium production reactor, have enhanced the danger of nuclear proliferation there. The India-Pakistan nuclear arms race makes the continuing confrontation between those two countries particularly sensitive. There is concern about China's actions in expanding its nuclear force, and of Chinese and Russian activities that may encourage proliferation in the other regions" (Behrens, 2003).

This is also necessary for insurance that a deal of non-rapid production must be signed and a review must be taken. In present the policies of NPT regarding to retraction is weak hence it gives an easy way for states to pull themselves outside the contract. In fact there is no chance of losing if the policies are strong and stable as it is difficult for making compulsory boundaries for states which they cannot use to separate them from national issues. In this Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) Bassey asserts that if any country sees that the impact of the subject effecting the autonomy of the country and also endangering the state then it has a right to separate itself for the sake of national security and independency. This point makes it possible for North Korea to separate itself from NPT, and it also develop a base by which Iran gets threatened as it can be set apart from NPT. In fact, it also causes worries for other members and makes them think along the lines of either to separate themselves because of the existence of national interest. For making it more clear and to make the valid reasons for separation because of national interest, IAEA and United Nations must give extra guidelines about what can be those causes which can become a reason of separation (Bassey, 2011).

As concluded in Article 10 there are no clear details on which nations can be separated from NPT. This gap can raise an issue of flat applicability of this contract. The ambiguity of this fact can also make it impossible for IAEA and UN to take the right decision about which country is eligible for separation (Bassey, 2011). In the same manner Article 3 (3) and 4 that are about Non-Proliferation Treaty, are obscure and are not up to par on guidance for non-proliferation. Article 3 (3) states that the need of defense, according to this article, must be carried out in a way which also obeys Article IV of this compact, and also delays the economic or technological progress of Parties or international linkages in the nuclear activities. This will involve the interchanging of nuclear products and devices for working and also to give this surety that the usage of this material or equipments is in a safe manner as according to the stated idea of this article (Bassey, 2011).

In Article 4 (1 and 2) of Non-Proliferation it is stated that: 1. For research purpose, all the parties have to obey non-transferable right without any partiality; furthermore, the production and application of this technology is for peaceful purposes in accordance with Articles I and II (Bassey, 2011); 2. The Members of Treaty make this surety that they promote and facilitate the barter of devices, supplies and scientific methods and processes. This is done for the sake of safe usage of nuclear energy. Parties who are eligible for doing this can also participate with each other or across boundaries for developing the technology and also work for finding the better ways of the applicability of this technology. They can also support those areas that are declared to be non-nuclear states that will enhance the technology worldwide (Bassey, 2011).

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