Term Paper on "Justice in the Twentieth Century"

Term Paper 5 pages (1694 words) Sources: 6

[EXCERPT] . . . .

Justice

In the twentieth century, as in the centuries of the past, most wars and other conflicts were prompted not by what the victims did, but by who the victims were. Horrific atrocities were committed against Jews because they were Jews, against blacks because they were black, against Hutus because they were not Tutsis, and Tutsis because they were not Hutus. After these conflicts ended, two models of retribution became legacies: trial and punishment as the resolution for the Holocaust in Europe, and reconciliation as the resolution for Apartheid in South Africa. These resolutions are polar opposites, yet each one has both strong opponents and equally strong advocates. It is "an eye for an eye" versus the teachings of Jesus and Gandhi. But this dilemma is not limited to strife in whole countries. The same dilemma is presented to families of murder victims: should they seek revenge, or should they seek some forgiveness? This paper examines the arguments for these two positions.

After the unconditional surrender of the Germans, Great Britain, the Soviet Union, and the United States decided to hold a war crimes tribunal for the trial and punishment of personnel from the Axis countries. The justice of the victorious allies was immediately challenged, since there were no trials for the war crimes of the Allies. However, there is an assumption that a civilized country informs its armed forces about the military code -- what is permitted and what is not. Personnel found guilty of violating this code are tried in their own military courts. Nevertheless, there have been notable accounts of Allied violations that were totally ignored. The French may have violated the Geneva Conventi
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on in their treatment of prisoners of war, for example, and the conduct of Americans was not always exemplary. In his autobiography, General Chuck Yeager wrote that some missions of the army air corps were probably war crimes. He cited the motto of "shoot anything that moves," which was often practiced by Americans in the German countryside (Yeager, 1986). He further claimed that he and other pilots often went on missions to avoid court martials for disobeying orders. Yeager admitted that one reason he had hoped the Allies would win the war was because they would have been charged for war crimes had they lost. But the most blatant violation by Allied forces was the bombing of the city of Dresden, which had actually been set aside as a safe haven. In an early morning raid, however, Allied planes over Dresden dropped bombs that destroyed the city itself and 500,000 of its civilians. Not only were the perpetrators of this crime never cited, but the destruction of Dresden remained an unknown happening until the publication of the novel Slaughterhouse Five, by Kurt Vonnegut, some years later. As prisoners of war, Vonnegut and others were held in a slaughter house named Five that was available as a prison because there was no longer any meat to slaughter. Shortly after Vonnegut arrived there, he witnessed the raid and its horrible consequences, which he described in his fiction. That experience haunted him for the rest of his life.

After searching for a venue suitable for the trials, the tribunal authorities selected Nuremberg. It was both a symbolic and a pragmatic choice. Nuremberg was the birthplace of the Nazi Party; now it would become the Nazi Party's burial ground. Besides, the city's Palace of Justice was large enough for such a complex trial, and it also included a prison where the defendants might be held. Besides, Nuremburg was relatively undamaged by the extensive Allied bombing of Germany. Although initially the Soviet Union had preferred to hold the trials in Berlin, since it was Germany's capital, the compromise was to name Berlin the official home of the tribunal authorities.

The International Military Tribunal began on October 18, 1945. A Soviet judge, Niktichenko, presided over the first session, and 24 major war criminals and six criminal organizations were indicted. They were charged for conspiring against peace, for planning and waging a war of aggressions, for committing war crimes, and for committing crimes against humanity. Of the 12 defendants sentenced to death by hanging, only two were not hanged -- Hermann Goring and Martin Bormann. Rudolph Hess, who was the Deputy Fuhrer until he flew to Scotland to arrange a peace treaty with Great Britain, died in Spandau Prison 1987 without ever telling his story.

The validity of the Nuremberg court, known now as the Nuremberg paradigm, has been challenged many times and for many different reasons. Critics such as Associate Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas argued that overzealous judges had created law after the fact, and to suit the hysteria and views of the times. But the principles of punishment are still charged and defended in the courts of today. Many argue that some form of revenge is necessary for victims. Others agree that although revenge affects the offender, revenge affects the revenger himself or herself even more. One father of a victim of the Oklahoma bombing 15 years ago said he then was in favor of the death penalty for Timothy McVey. Now, 15 years later, his appetite for revenge has abated and he no long favors the death penalty for anyone.

Many believe that punishment of the guilty prevents others from engaging in criminal behavior. But this view is not borne out by evidence, as most murders are crimes of passion. Besides, psychologists warn that punishment may seem to work, but always with heavy costs as the punished carry their resentment. Positive reinforcement, on the other hand, does work, and without a cost such as resentment or other active or passive aggression. However, positive reinforcement requires considerably more patience.

Nowadays, Americans face this leading question: Will unwanted American presence in a country quell the violence of terrorists? Another leading question they face is this one: Will American presence in another country create more violence? This is also the dilemma played out in a recent German movie called The White Ribbon. The narrator begins with a suggestion that perhaps the violence committed in a small community just before World War I was a foreshadowing of the coming of the Nazis and their behavior that led to World War II. The film shows well-meaning parents mete out atrocious punishments to their children, and all "for their own good." The children, in turn, bravely submit to their "justly deserved" punishments, and they never complain afterwards. But, as this film shows so beautifully, the violence creates a violence in them that is even stronger. The children get their revenge.

The so-called "Nuremberg Trial paradigm" brings with it the question of whether relatives in a community should charge and punish those who have abused the rights of their loved ones. Archbishop Desmond Tutu of South Africa says it does not. He believes in the approach the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in South Africa took when Apartheid ended. No doubt, this approach saved South Africa from a war that most outsiders had predicted would be inevitable once Apartheid was abolished. Archbishop Tutu believes it is more effective than dealing with past violence by arresting, indicting, trying, and punishing. He has argued for this approach, in which perpetrators confess the truth in order to gain forgiveness.

Nelson Mandela must be mentioned here. Mandela spent a good portion of his life in jail, leaving his wife to raise their children. When he was released and elected as the highest official in the land, Mandela faced a segment of his electorate that was white, defeated, and angry. Besides, because of the practices of Apartheid, these were the only experienced workers he had to help him run the country. As the wonderful movie Invictus shows, one of Mandela's solutions was ingenious. He chose the competition for… READ MORE

Quoted Instructions for "Justice in the Twentieth Century" Assignment:

TRUTH V. JUSTICE

Drawing on the reading and your own considered opinion and good judgment, answer the question(s) on the following pages. In arguing for your position, think of the arguments that might be made against it, and respond to them. In defending your position, offer what you believe are the most principled arguments you can make.

In thinking of objections to your argument, think of the best possible objections that someone on the other side might be able to come up with, i. e., give yourself a hard time. If you can respond to the other side at its strongest rather than at its wea***** point, that can only help to strengthen your own opinion and make it that much more persuasive.

Human rights violations and human rights abuse ultimately lead to questions of justice. Those who violate the rights of others ought to be, under the prevailing international ethos, as the saying goes, *****"brought to justice.*****"

This, you might say, was what happened (or depending on your point of view: *****"what was attempted*****") at Nuremberg and at the Nuremberg Trials (see also the Yale Law School*****'s Avalon Project) and what is happening (*****"what is being attempted*****") before the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, Tribunal for Rwanda and most recently before the International Criminal Court (ICC) in the Hague.

Such trials are strikingly similar in form and procedure to criminal trials in a domestic context wherein charges are brought against the perpetrators (defendants) suspected of having committed extreme human rights abuse. The charges of human rights violations are often themselves referred to as *****"war crimes*****" and in those instances where the evidence for the commission of such crimes is beyond a reasonable doubt and the perpetrator or defendant has neither a sufficient justification or excuse verdicts of guilt are delivered and punishments of appropriate severity imposed..

But as the last century has drawn to a close alternative ways of dealing with war crimes and human rights abuse have arisen that both challenge and even reject what has been described as the *****"Nuremberg Trial paradigm,*****" calling into question whether the relatives of victims and the community should prosecute and punish those who have violated basic human rights after a period of mass violence.

Indeed Archbishop Desmond Tutu has argued that the approach taken by the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) wherein perpetrators confess the truth in an effort to gain amnesty is, in some respects a *****"more just*****" way of dealing with past violence. Ln the South African case, Tutu urged the rejection of arresting, trying and punishing those found guilty of human rights abuse.

We now live in a bifurcated world where two different strategies for reckoning with past human rights abuse are in play.

There are efforts in places like Bosnia and Rwanda to gather forensic evidence and eye-witness testimony to identify and indict those who violated the human rights of others with an eye to sentencing and punishing those responsible for past wrongdoing.

Then, too, there are efforts, of which the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission or TRC is perhaps the most familiar example, to relieve human rights violators from criminal trials and sanctions, seeking instead, through public hearings of apology and forgiveness, reconciliation between the relatives of the victims and their victimizers.

To date more than twenty-two countries have established truth and reconciliation commissions on the model of the South African experience.

What are we to make of this startling development that urges reconciliation between the relatives of victims and the perpetrators of the most horrifying human rights violations?

No doubt efforts towards *****"reconciliation*****" raise their own set of moral, political and practical difficulties that require close examination accompanied by a re-thinking of the successes and pitfalls of the juridical responses to wrongdoing promoted by the international human rights movement.

Tutu rejects the juridical response to human rights violations recommended by many human rights advocates in favor of the TRC*****'s approach.

This is strong stuff.

He believes that the work of the Commission did not simply supplement or subvert the traditional means of achieving justice through trial and punishment; on the contrary Tutu is convinced that South Africa*****'s TRC brought an older, deeper, conception of justice to light. As Tutu remarked in his capacity as the Commission*****'s Chairman in the Forward to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report:

Those who have cared about the future of our country have been worried that the amnesty provision might, amongst other things, encourage impunity because it seemed to sacrifice justice. We believe this view to be incorrect.

The amnesty applicant has to admit responsibility for the act for which amnesty is being sought, thus dealing with the matter of impunity. Furthermore, apart from the most exceptional circumstances, the application is dealt with in a public hearing. The applicant must therefore make his admissions in the full glare of publicity. Often this is the first time that an applicant*****'s family and community learn that an apparently decent man was, for instance, a callous torturer or a member of a ruthless death squad that assassinated many opponents of the previous regime. There is, therefore, a price to be paid. Public disclosure results in public shaming, and sometimes a marriage may be a sad casualty as well.

We have been concerned, too, that many consider only one aspect of justice. Certainly, amnesty cannot be viewed as justice if we think of justice only as retributive and punitive in nature.

We believe, however, that there is another kind of justice -- a restorative justice which is concerned not so much with punishment as with correcting imbalances, restoring broken relationships -- with healing, harmony and reconciliation. Such justice focuses on the experience of victims; hence the importance of reparation.

Subsequently he expanded upon these remarks, putting the point more dramatically:

We contend that there is another kind of justice, restorative justice, which was characteristic of traditional African jurisprudence. Here the central concern is not retribution or punishment. In the ***** of *****"ubuntu,*****" the central concern is the healing of breaches, the redressing of imbalances, the restoration of broken relationships, a seeking to rehabilitate both the victim and the perpetrator, who should be given the opportunity to be reintegrated into the community that he has injured by his offense.

Are there two kinds of justice and is one variety, the retributive kind, less likely to lead to reconciliation than the other, the restorative kind?

Can the truth really serve as a substitute for justice?

Or is the pursuit of reconciliation a poorly disguised means of failing to realize a just resolution of past injuries?

What do you think?

As already remarked, Tutu rejects what he calls the *****"Nuremberg trial paradigm.*****" It is his view that *****"victims should not press charges against those who violated their rights, that the state should not make the accused *****"run the gauntlet of the normal judicial process*****" and impose punishment on those found guilty.*****"

In the case that is made, both practical and moral, against applying the Nuremberg precedent to South Africa, human rights advocates are put on their toes, pressing them to explain how bringing perpetrators of human rights abuse to justice can break the cycle of impunity in places other than South Africa, in, for example, Rwanda, Bosnia, and Kosovo. In making his case against the applicability of the Nuremberg precedent to South Africa, two arguments, in particular, stand out.

One is the argument that the truth and reconciliation process is perfectly compatible with justice and is better suited to realize it than the Nuremberg precedent, only the justice that is realized is a different kind, less concerned with *****"punishment [than] with correcting imbalances.*****"

Are you persuaded on this matter?

And if so, on what grounds?

Then, too, there is the argument that the Nuremberg precedent because it indicts, tries, sentences and punishes individuals who violate human rights is itself immoral because punishment is retribution and retribution is vengeance and being vengeful is immoral.

Do you agree? And if so, why? for what reasons?

Drawing on the reading and your own considered good judgment, make a case for or against the rejection of the *****"Nuremberg trial paradigm*****" and replacing it with a new model of achieving *****"justice,*****" the Truth and Reconciliation process itself, think of several powerful objections to your argument, and respond to them. *****

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Justice in the Twentieth Century.” A1-TermPaper.com, 2010, https://www.a1-termpaper.com/topics/essay/justice-twentieth-century/920721. Accessed 3 Jul 2024.

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