Term Paper on "Is the International Order an Increasingly Liberal One?"

Term Paper 15 pages (4028 words) Sources: 1+

[EXCERPT] . . . .

international order that is emerging and will be present in the future. The concept of international order or world order is nothing new; however technological innovations have created a world that is increasingly more global. In light of this globalization the type of international order that will emerge is in question. The purpose of this discussion is to examine if the emerging international order is increasingly liberal.

International Order

Traditionally scholars have asserted that international order can be defined as an interaction amongst sovereign nations who operate in a global environment that is governed by anarchy (Ikenberry 2005). As it relates to the classic Westphalian philosophy it is asserted that states are in control of how their military power is used domestically, but order as it relates to international affairs is governed by both a diffusion and balance of power between nations (Ikenberry 2005). For many years international order has been dependent upon two underlying principles which involve diffusion and balance of power among nations with significant powers in addition to sovereign territorial states (Ikenberry 2005).

This means that on the domestic front state governments have control over how violence is utilized (Ikenberry 2005). On the other hand, internationally this control or authority over military actions is distributed among various nations (Ikenberry 2005).

However, at the current time there seems to be movement towards a more Westphalian philosophy because America has established a quasi-monopoly at the international level (Ikenberry 2005). This means that instead simply enforcing control over military forces on the domestic level America is now controlling violence at an international level with little or no support from the group of nations that are suppose to control the use of force on an international level (Ikenberry 2005). Because of this diversion from the traditional international structure, the sovereignty of nations' is less sovereign (Ikenberry 2005). As a result of this eroded sovereignty the behaviors of states are more exposed to global and more specifically American scrutiny (Ikenberry 2005).

In addition, in the wake of 9/11 America's beliefs concerning contingent sovereignty makes outside influences even more pervasive. The author further explains that the growth of American unipolar dominance and the concurrent diminishing of state sovereignty are a historical development as it relates to international order (Ikenberry 2005). As it relates to history the aforementioned phenomenon, is a drastically new distribution and expression of the power of a single nation. As a result it is not unrealistic for the world to question and consider the new-fangled rules and institutions of international order (Ikenberry 2005).

Ikenberry (2005) asserts that the current and emerging international order is being shaped primarily by the United States in addition to countries in Europe and East Asia (Ikenberry 2005). The author asserts that because the United States of America possesses so much power as it relates to technology, military economic and political factors it has a great deal of influence throughout the world (Ikenberry 2005). Much of this power emerged after the cold war when America had more significant growth than Japan or Europe (Ikenberry 2005). In addition this power exists because America has military bases throughout the world while countries such as China and Russia are confined to their specific regions (Ikenberry 2005). Indeed, America has a great deal of authority and there is very little competition from other countries.

As a result of the aforementioned factors it is at the forefront of creating an international order (Ikenberry 2005). The author explains that this international order is centered on security alliances, open markets, democracy and multilateral collaboration (Ikenberry 2005). If countries are to be successful in this increasingly global world, they will be compelled to operate in the aforementioned realms (Ikenberry 2005).

The author explains that although this is the order that emerged in the wake of the cold war there are now concerns about the sustainability of this type of international order (Ikenberry 2005). The article asserts that the international order that has been perpetuated by the United States since the cold war is now at a crossroads in the wake of the terrorist attacks of 2001, and the invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan (Ikenberry 2005). The Bush administration's willingness to aggressively expand military budgets and infringe upon the constitutional rights of American citizens has caused some to question the ultimate goals of the administration and America in general (Ikenberry 2005). The author explains that the prestige that America once held in the international community has been compromised (Ikenberry 2005). The author further explains that for most of the postwar era, America's pursuit of its national interest and the construction of a progressive and mutually agreeable global order went hand in hand. But today, America and the world seem increasingly estranged. Anti-Americanism is a prominent feature of politics in many regions of the world. The most fundamental questions about the nature of global politics - who commands and who benefits - are now the subject of conversation among long-time allies and adversaries alike (Ikenberry 2005)."

Indeed the controversies that have arisen in the wake of terrorism and war have been substantial. The author explains that many are now questioning the unipolar order that now exist as it relates to international order (Ikenberry 2005). The primary concern is that the United States will no longer honor postwar commitments including multilateral partnerships (Ikenberry 2005). This concern developed when the United States invaded Iraq in spite call from the United Nations and individual countries to abandon or at least delay the invasion (Ikenberry 2005).

The author explains that the American post Cold War order has engaged the center of world politics for fifty years (Ikenberry 2005). The 'American system' is structured around a various institutions, rules, and partnerships along the lines of international and regional security in addition to political and economic realms (Ikenberry 2005). This post cold war order is based on a foundation of 'liberal hegemonic' bargains, provision for public goods, diffuse reciprocity, and an unparalleled assortment of intergovernmental agencies and collaborative relationships (Ikenberry 2005). In addition the author explains that the advanced democracies of the world live in a 'security community' in which use or threat of force is improbable (Ikenberry 2005). As a result, this post cold war order cannot be considered an empire but instead it is an American-led democratic political structure (Ikenberry 2005).

The author also insists that the changes in the international system are impeding upon the ability of this structure to maintain many of its liberal characteristics (Ikenberry 2005). As such both the integrity and that stability of this system has been compromised (Ikenberry 2005). The author asserts that there are two sources that have caused this breakdown (Ikenberry 2005). The first being the "long-term 'flipping' of the Westphalian state system (Ikenberry 2005)."

This flipping has to do with the fact that the power of the United States has increased while nations' norms of sovereignty have diminished (Ikenberry 2005).

As a result of this the power that America possesses has become a concern for people in the rest of the world which also diminishes the stability of the balance of power logic of the previous geopolitical periods (Ikenberry 2005).

In addition there are emerging threats to security that are not necessarily shared by all nations that are members of the old alliance (Ikenberry 2005). These threats weaken the strength of the security that is the foundation of the American system. In addition the strategic partnerships that once existed amongst old allies is now eroding. As a result the United States has more leverage to make choices that are independent from the concerns of other nations (Ikenberry 2005). It is also the case that European and East Asian nations have the economic and military prowess to operate in a manner that is independent from the United States (Ikenberry 2005). Consequently, the postwar alliance system that was so important to the stability of American political and economic relations with Europe and East Asia - is now more delicate and questionable (Ikenberry 2005).

It is also true that the changing global conditions cultivate philosophies that are both liberal and neo-imperial. Each of these philosophies are a part of American political culture and as such they are both apparent as it relates to American diplomacy (Ikenberry 2005). For example, a liberal philosophy has been made apparent as it relates to the Atlantic community, along with its institutional language including NATO and multilateral economic regimes (Ikenberry 2005). The author further asserts that the neo-imperial philosophy if international order would be in the form of a global 'hub and spoke' system (Ikenberry 2005). The author further explains that the formation of such an order would be formed around bilateralism, client states, and patronage-oriented foreign policy (Ikenberry 2005). In addition America's postwar 'hub and spoke' security tie with East Asia demonstrates that such an approach may be likely (Ikenberry 2005). Certainly the liberal and neo-imperial philosophies continue to provide an assortment of benefits and costs associated with the American governance of unipolarity (Ikenberry 2005).

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