Research Paper on "Civil War Mediation Strategies in the Pre-1900s"

Research Paper 15 pages (6909 words) Sources: 15

[EXCERPT] . . . .

For instance, The Palestinian-Israeli breakthroughs that took place in 1993 at Oslo, for example, so acclaimed at the time, were based on secrecy and exclusion.

Drawbacks of excluding Civil Society

Although excluding civil society groups may modernize peace negotiations that are already difficult enough, the nonappearance of their voices and interests at the negotiating table can prove lethal to the peace agreement all through the post conflict peacebuilding phase. Some believe excluding civil society participation at the peace negotiation table -- in theory -- is predicted to disturb the already muddy waters of mutual negotiations in other words they think it might add fuel to the fire (A. W.-S. John, 2008, p. 21).

Even though many governments agree that civil society participation is crucial, (Bamidele-Izu, 2011, p. 6) many also feel that the drawbacks of civil society contribution may outweigh the benefits. Concerns and arguments thrive on both sides. Some are worried that civil society s might establish special interest groups, and that their contribution would always result in policy misrepresentations. Others fear that intergovernmental decision making processes would turn out to be bogged down by civil society, which are not necessarily representative of or answerable to their specific constituencies (Bamidele-Izu, 2011, p. 7). Decision makers are likewise anxious that civil society may seek to usurp the self-governing powers of governments.

If civil society is excluded, then they will not be able to help build the political will for a new approach to development that incorporates environmental and social objectives. If they are not able to participate, then they will not be able to serve as alternatives to weak or inadequate democratic institutions, or be avenues for more inclusive exchange of ideas, or be used as channels for disseminating information on activities and matters inside the global system

Elite Driven Peace: What is the purpose?

At one time, classical diplomacy, European style, was conceived and practiced as an elites-only club. According to Wanis-St. John (2008 p. 18) government and militant leaders, political party heads, warlords, and the usual cast of political elites are usually driving the main forces in argument -- the ones with the guns -- still get the lion's share of attention from international mediators. For example, peacemaking in civil war is a dangerous business. The main source of risk comes from spoilers -- parties and leaders who believe the developing peace intimidates their world view, power, and interests and who use violence to deteriorate efforts in order to get it. An obvious strength of the elite-only strategy in the pre-1900s was its simplification of the players. Nowadays though, popular support is required to a greater level for post-arrangement peace to hold and "the people" can act as spoilers of a peace deal in a greater way.

Governmental Power Sharing

The Elite only strategy could be effective because of its strength in governmental power sharing. One of the reasons why this strategy can be looked at as being more effective or over the involvement of civil society is because of the political power sharing among the elites. This approach is more effective in a civil war because of the access to positions of political and administrative power. In other words, these positions of political and administrative power is important for opposing social groups in that it offers them with visible acknowledgement, a 'say' in decision making and control over government resources (Lindemann, 2010, p. 5). A first clear sign in this respect is the arrangement of government. Yet, an examination of the composition of elite power should not -- as it is usually done -- be restricted to the sharing of ministers and deputy ministers. As an alternative, many experts argue that one should likewise separately look at the circulation of the most important leadership arrangements in what may be labelled the 'inner core' of political power, not least to uncover strategies of 'window dressing'. These inner core are the following:

deputy ministers;

ministers (cabinet);

the 'inner core of political power';

An 'index of representation', which combines the forgoing measures (Lindemann, 2010, p.5).

Military power sharing

The Elite only strategy could be effective in the pre-1900s because of its strength in governmental military power sharing. Access to military power is crucial for competing social groups in that it shapes their feelings of survival and physical security. Even though balanced recruitment at the level of the rank and file may be looked at as being important, it is exclusively representation at the upper stages of the army that really provide groups with a real stake in the security part. Important, therefore, in terms of military power sharing is the arrangement of the officer corps, is made up of the following:

the top command positions;

The higher ranks (Lindemann, 2010, p. 6).

According to Lindemann (2010) exclusive elite bargains were better for their time because they were able to accommodate dominant social cleavages, even out the inter-group competition over the control of state power and in that way favor paths of civil war dodging. Lindemann argues that as opposing social groups revel in inclusive access to positions of military political, and financial power, their leadership does not have an instant motivation to activate protest such as what civilians would do in the inclusive strategy. States underlying an inclusive elite bargain are as a result liable to enjoy somewhat secure and stable power as a united system without involving civilians.

Research shows that exclusionary elite negotiates, by contrast, fail when it comes to accommodating leading social cleavages, intensify inter-group challenges over the sharing of state power and in the end favor routes of civil war beginning. As definite groups enjoy advantaged access to positions of financial, military and political power, the barred leaders will have an instant reason to rally up protest and forcefulness against the state. Observed from this viewpoint, the beginning of civil war must be assumed as stemming from the inability and/or reluctance of ruling political parties to achieve sufficient degrees of elite lodging.

Stasis in Roman Sicily Case: Example of Exclusive Mediation

Research shows that Sicily was an example of an exclusive mediation in which a Roman representative basically performed as a mediator among opposing Sicilian sides, which conformed the aftermath as a result of the wide-ranging financial, party-political, military and symbolic need that the Sicilian superiority had concerning Rome. Moreover, there were occasionally ancestral and mentorship connections among the specific peacemakers along with the cities in general.

Here, the danger of stasis was inherent in every way and, all the way to the point where the Roman government had to step in to bring peace. This was observable in the 3rd century B.C.; King Pyrrhus of Epirus noted: "for all is faction there, her cities have no government, and demagogues are rampant now that Agathocles is gone." (Covino, 2013, p 19) Owing to the continued use of Greek-style political structures, the issue went on persisted long after the coming of Rome.

However, Rome stepping in was able to bring the peace needed to stop the Stasis. The governors of Sicily along with Sicily's patrons, had to maintain the steadiness of civic government so as to make sure the regular supply of corn for Rome and her legions in addition to any additional income produced from the province, for example that stemming from the charging of the portoria or scriptura. (Covino, 2013, p. 20) The Romans were conscious that the cities of Sicily should not be permitted to fall into the hands of the stasis. If they would let them do that would qllow them to do so would be to allow them to abandoned their treaty or the otherwise forced taxes for example the establishment of ships and troops. It would likewise get involved with their collection and delivery of the grain-tithe because of them, or just the grain's delivery in the circumstance of Halaesa, as local governmental functions for instance the collection inspection, and perhaps storing of grain were organized on the civic level. (Covino, 2013, p. 26) During the mediation process, Rome chose not to exercise their power over the cities of Sicily by having her governors openly intervene at the first sign of stasis is instructive. Even though identifying that cities in stasis are of no use to the broader Roman community, nevertheless Rome chose not to be heavy-handed in regards to the situation, helping the civic governments as and when called upon to do so by the Sicilians themselves, following on in the age-old Sicilian tradition, received from the Hellenistic world, of arbitration. While before, the cities of Sicily looked to their colonial 'mother-city' for their mediation requirements, (Covino, 2013, p. 26) or even to Carthage because of her influence over the island, in the Roman age the Sicilian cities hereafter were driven by need to look to Rome, nonetheless not to her instant representative, in their effort to battle to stasiazein.

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