Research Paper on "Global Warming, United States"

Research Paper 9 pages (3388 words) Sources: 8 Style: MLA

[EXCERPT] . . . .

This is due to the prediction of 4.2% decline in the business capital stock resulting from 3% decrease in the economy's potential. (Kyoto Protocol and Beyond: The High Economic Cost to the United States, 2002).

Bush Administration put forward the 'Clear Skies and Global Climate Change Initiatives' in 2002, which aimed at achieving three fundamental goals. These included firstly reducing the worst of the three recognized air pollutants by an amount of 70%. Secondly, it aimed at cutting down the intensity of GHG by 18% in the upcoming ten years. Thirdly, it aimed at accomplishing goals comparable to the Kyoto Protocol by using approaches from the market (Policies in Focus: Environment, 2008). The U.S. aimed at reducing emissions by shifting towards the use of clean fuels and organizing voluntary programs within the industry. It also aimed at making the people aware about enhancing the efficacy of energy use through proper dissemination of information and incurring appropriate technology improvements. The U.S. goal revolved around decreasing 183 metric tons per million dollars of GDP in the year 2002 to 151 metric tons per million dollars of GDP in the year 2012. This policy had been criticized by many including the economist Paul Krugman. In his opinion, the Bush administration had not proposed anything significant, because they aimed at reducing the GHG emission ratio by 18%. However, GHG intensity was the volume of GHG emissions divided by the GDP. According to a majority of forecasts, GDP was to expand by 30% or more within the same period, which will eventually increase the rate of emissions too (Krugman, 2002).

Global warming crimes and the Bush administration

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The inception of Bush's era when he took office clarified his Administration's stance on global warming and environment. As an example, we can consider the fact that Bush promised the reduction in emissions from coal fired power plants, which are the biggest contributor of global warming gases. However, with the consultation of Haley Barbour, of Barbour, Griffiths and Rogers, which was the most influential lobby in Washington at the time, this campaign pledge was reversed by G.W. Bush. Barbour was also the president of the former Republican National Committee (1993-1997). Bush was in the favor of rolling back instead of promoting stricter power-plant emission canons, during a discussion. He emphasized that in order to increase its economic production, America needs to rollback to help make the energy it needs. It was the time when America's potential to generate electrical power was at its peak. In addition to that, the position of Bush opposed the standpoint taken by the Secretary of State, Paul O'Neil (the former CEO of Alcoa Aluminum). O'Neil gave his resignation when he insisted Bush to become the first president and take a standpoint on global warming, but he was unsuccessful (as cited in Lynch, Burns, and Stretesky, 2010).

The vice president, and the former Chairman and CEO of Halliburton, presided the May 2001 report of the National Energy Policy Development Group (NEPDG) in which the Bush Administration's approach to energy and environment was brought forward. During the second week of Bush's inaugural ceremony, this group came into being. The representatives of energy industry gave value to their welfares over those of the general population, and the policies presented by the NEPDG document were very much influenced by them. This happened by the encouragement to the support of fossil fuel economy. This policy was also influenced by Chevron, Enron, Peabody Energy and Halliburton. One thing which shouldn't be coming as a surprise was that the positions in those companies were being formally taken by the committee members who were part of the Bush administration. The meetings of NEPDG were secretly conducted, in defilement of the legal provisions according to the Federal Advisory Commission Act (FACA; § 5 U.S.C. app. 2). In order to notify the report, multiple requests were filed by the House Committee on Energy, The Congressional Committee on Government Reform and U.S. General Accounting Office, regarding process of consultation. All the requests were denied. It was found that VP had violated 31 U.S.C. § 716(b) by denying the request, when another request for the information was filed by U.S. GAO (112). It was important to ascertain the details about such secret meetings, and that is why Sierra Club, National Resources Defense Council, and Judicial Watch used the "Freedom of Information Act" as a tool to file independent suits in the perspective of transparency and record keeping provisions. However, when G.W. Bush left White House, the request was still left unaccepted. Nevertheless, New York Times was successful in providing details about this secret meeting. The information was gathered with the help of interviews, according to which there were 200 consultants to the NEPDG that were comprised of 13 consumer organizations and environmental groups, 22 labor unions, and 158 corporate trade alliances and energy companies (as cited in Lynch, Burns, and Stretesky, 2010).

Bush white house-corporate sector links

Establishing and defining state-corporate intersections and influences is an important element of conducting government-corporate crime research. One can find lobbyists of energy sector in the Bush's Cabinet for energy policies. James Connauhghton, who chaired the White House Council on Environment Quality, had worked in an electrical and power company (as cited in Lynch, Burns, and Stretesky, 2010).

Assistant Secretary for Lands and Mineral Management, Rebecca Watson, had served as a lawyer in methane drillers and mining companies. Rebecca Watson was famous for advocating mining in federally protected lands (as cited in Lynch, Burns, and Stretesky, 2010).

David Bernhardt, the Director of Congressional and Legislative Affairs, is a well-known lobbyist in the sector of pipeline, mining, and petroleum. Moreover, Bernhardt advocated oil drilling in Arctic region during Bush administration (as cited in Lynch, Burns, and Stretesky, 2010).

A new team was appointed in the Bush government comprising of the former working people on different positions. Bush appointed Camden Toohey as an In-charge of Interior Department of Alaskan Public Region and he also worked as Executive Director of Arctic Power. Bernhardt also joined to help him in this field. A former client of the Alliance for Constructive Air Policy, Jeremy Holmstead, who once charged EPA on air production standards, was now appointed as Assistant Administrator of Radiation and Air at EPA. Mike Smith, who was appointed as Assistant Secretary of the department of Fossil Energy, was previously working as an operator of Gas and Oil Company and also an advocate in an oil company of Arctic National Wildlife Preserve. This list included Peabody, Assistant Attorney General of Environment and Natural Resources; Thomas Sansonetti who was previously working as client for Arch and Coal; Former lobbyist J. Steven Griles for mining, gas and oil was then appointed as Deputy Secretary of Interior, and as policy maker for monuments and national parks, wildlife policies, and also policy related on energy) amongst others. Also, a former lobbyist of Exxon Mobil, Larisa Dobriansky, was then appointed as Deputy Assistant Secretary in the sector of National Energy Policies at Energy department (as cited in Lynch, Burns, and Stretesky, 2010).

This was a unique collaboration of White House, governed by Bush, and different corporations. It can be observed by the positions allotted to the formerly appointed people on key posts of environmental department of government. This collaboration was not observed before the industry leaders were appointed on key governmental positions as "power elite" (as cited in Lynch, Burns, and Stretesky, 2010). However, these appointments in environmental policy making departments of government supported both the private sector as well as the government to enhance the national energy power and environmental strategies, which is not only beneficial for the betterment of economy but also to restrict global warming conditions. This situation of hiring industry leaders in government is excessively noticed in Bush's administration, especially in the energy and environmental policy-making bodies, to basically attract the Power Elite towards it. This new government structure not only brought the public and private sector at a platform concerning the environmental conditions of the country by making new strategies to enhance the conditions but also strengthened the commission of government and corporate crimes (as cited in Lynch, Burns, and Stretesky, 2010).

Conclusion

By evaluating the then situation of the environment friendly U.S. government, one must think that this would prevent maximum number of problems faced by this department or at least slow down the rate. But the result was opposite; Bush's government brought some changes in the policies by presenting New Source Review (NSR) policies. These rules and regulations were associated to air pollution in which it was planned to construct new power plants for electricity where coal was to be used as energy generator. But according to the studies conducted, coal was one of the dangerous element which produced very toxic gases and pollution that could destroy the environment (like heavy metals, micro-particles, sludge ponds, coal and global warming toxic gases, along with other pollutants). Thus, these NSR rules could not produce… READ MORE

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