Essay on "Geopolitical Analysis of China From the President's Perspective"

Essay 12 pages (3969 words) Sources: 12

[EXCERPT] . . . .

Geopolitical Analysis of China From the President's Perspective

Agreement/Disagreement with author's opinion

Instruments of National Power

Analysis of entire region

Iran

Russia

Israel-Palestine Conflict and the role of U.S.

China

India

Africa

A Geopolitical Analysis of China from the President's Perspective

This paper is a personal reflection of an opinion article (OPED). The article appeared in Eurasia Review and was written by Maitreya Buddha Samantaray. The following response to this piece of writing is presented assuming the role of President of the United States of America. The review article will include opinion on the quality of analysis done by the writer from a perspective of the U.S. president. Agreement or disagreement with the author's premise regarding geopolitical analysis of China will be presented and substantiated with analyzing past records of U.S. foreign policy compared with today's policy direction. An analysis of entire region with respect to the U.S. policy of regional interests will also be presented in this paper.

Thesis statement: The main thesis of this President's perspective is that no single Instrument of National Power (IOP) is exclusively sufficient to further the U.S. interests in the region. An intelligent combination of diplomatic, economic and military instruments has to be utilized in order to further the U.S. interests in Asia.

In order to pursue an inclusive and effective policy in Central
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and South Asia, the U.S. government has to rely on multiple stakeholders of different countries, each having different capacity to serve the U.S. interests while not disregarding the interests of host countries. The second section of this paper will present personal opinion of President regarding this piece of writing followed by relevant comparison and analysis to substantiate the initial position. References to foreign policy in the past along with its consequences will also be made part of this article. This paper will conclude the findings at the end of analysis.

Agreement/Disagreement with author's opinion

As being President of the U.S., I only partially agree with the author's premise regarding India's proactive strategy on China-Pakistan proximity. The author is correct in asserting that the U.S. did not look Pakistan's engagement with China as positive in its entirety. The visit of Pakistan's premier was aimed at signaling the U.S. regarding the presence of other regional powers that support Pakistan on its stance regarding the on-going conflict in Afghanistan. Nonetheless, the author fails to appreciate that these have been few takers of Pakistan's stated stance on Osama Bin Laden's hiding in Pakistan. China may have accorded warm welcome to Pakistan's premier but the consultations that the U.S. emissaries had with their Chinese counterparts reveal that China has time and again encouraged Pakistan to adopt an alternative course of action on its policy in Afghanistan. However, this has been communicated in a concealed manner since China does not want to stale its ongoing strategic projects in Pakistan. Unlike popularly held view of 'Carter Syndrome' alleged to have engulfed me, I would like to opine that there the formation of Pak-China bloc against the interests of the U.S. is not based in reality. In fact, Pakistan has found herself isolated during the past five years due to the multi-lateral approach adopted by President's office.

Had I chosen to isolate Pakistan and China through active diplomacy and more military power being concentrated in the region, either through U.S. led forces or through active engagement of India, matters would have been even worse as they seem today. Unlike my predecessor, I abandoned the term 'war on terror' as it divorced America from the empathy it obtained from Western and Eastern powers alike after the incident of 9/11. The author is also correct in assuming that India has a bigger role to play in the aftermath of Afghan withdrawal. However, the U.S. foreign policy has been flawed in cornering Pakistan while engaging India in the Central Asian region. The U.S. cannot ignore the fact that India does not share a border with Afghanistan and any engagement of India in Afghanistan will be suspected by both Pakistan and China. Considering the U.S. led forces being highly engaged with Pakistan's military force, it would be unwise to twist Pakistan's arms by encouraging more Indian presence in Afghanistan. The U.S. can adopt this policy once the coalition forces have withdrawn from the region post 2014. Until then, the U.S. will have to adopt a prudent policy of pressuring Pakistan to submit to the international agenda. The U.S. influence over Pakistan is significantly compromised when India fails to manage good relations with countries such as Sri Lanka, Nepal, China, and Pakistan.

Although, the U.S. has differed with China over most of the regional conflicts such as Afghan issue, the North Korea problem, and the issue of Tibet, however I have restrained from making this a focal point of my policy as this will amount to limiting the U.S. interests to these three issues. Whereas the U.S. interests in striking a balance of relations with regional powers is much important to ensure a safe and timely exit of coalition forces in Afghanistan while still having the leverage of an honorable exit. Domestic compulsion of my foreign policy is more intertwined in the split mandate that I have got in the Senate where Republicans dominate. Thus, to encourage India for an even bigger military role in comparison to China will not be prudent enough till 2014.

Instruments of National Power

Economic, military, and diplomatic instruments are available to any President for engaging and disengaging with different countries in the World. The continuity of the U.S. support to Pakistan, both financial and military has also important backdrop. While comparing the U.S. policy of foreign affairs towards Pakistan during 1995-2001, I along with my foreign secretary Hillary Rodham Clinton reached a conclusion that isolating Pakistan, either through financial or military sanctions will only aid India's dominance in the region. Once India becomes too powerful as compared to Pakistan, the latter's chances to seek support from China and China's chances of military support to Pakistan increases. This was the case during the time period of 1995-2000 when Pakistan obtained significant support in nuclear and non-nuclear weaponry from China. If compared with the prevalent U.S. foreign policy towards China and Pakistan, it was more punitive than rewarding. The U.S. used economic and military sanctions to persuade Pakistan whereas this only increased China's involvement in Pakistan's domestic issues and in regional matters.

Thus, to avoid such situation whereas Pakistan has to choose between the U.S. And China, I intend to pursue a more logical policy of engaging both Pakistan and China. By doing so, the U.S. will keep its option open regarding sanctions while achieving same results as the country intends to achieve from sanctions.

Analysis of entire region

Iran:

The U.S. does not have any easy options on the table to deal with the regional conflicts. The balancing of the U.S. obligations towards human rights as being global power is not an easy task. Iran ability to inflict potential harm to U.S. interests in the region limited due to three reasons. Firstly, there is limited economic and military capacity of Iran to dominate the Gulf region. The country has suffered hard due to management inefficiency of Ahemedinejad led government. Further, the economic sanctions imposed by the UN also restrict Iran from earning foreign currency reserves through its oil exports (Rahigh-Aghsan & Jakobsen, 2010). Last but not the least, there is an increased fragmentation with the Iranian society regarding taking a hardliner towards the U.S. And other Western powers. The rise of Iran is largely due to the death of 'Pan-Arabian Nationalism' but the country faces many risks that will limit its ability to become an active threat to the U.S. interests (Rahigh-Aghsan & Jakobsen, 2010). The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries have outspent Iran in military expenditure. GCC countries have spent 15 times more as compared to Iran for military expenses. Further, the U.S. maintains an active engagement policy with all the GCC countries. This offsets the threat emancipating from Iran. Another important impediment to a thaw in U.S.-Iran relationship is in fact validated and recommended by the U.S. public herself as a 2011 Gallup survey indicated being supportive of the U.S.-Israel relationship (Oren, 2011).

Russia:

Unlike the author of the OPED, I as being president of the U.S. am more concerned regarding U.S. Russia relations. Russia has been supporting the Central Asian states to gain increased control of the natural resources of the region as well as increase its political clout.

Israel-Palestine Conflict and the role of U.S.:

The role of U.S. assumes much importance as Israel is a close ally of the U.S. As being president, I am fully aware of the deepest sentiments that prevail in the U.S. population regarding Israel. As mentioned earlier, the Gallup survey and a recent CNN poll indicates towards a high trust level of U.S. public over the U.S.-Israel relationship (Cohen, 2011).

China:

China is the main focus of the article that I have read and I cannot agree… READ MORE

Quoted Instructions for "Geopolitical Analysis of China From the President's Perspective" Assignment:

Instructions:

Overview:

Using only the course material that I have provided (see attached files). No other material is allowed. Analyze the provided Opinion Editorial (OpEd) from the perspective of the President of the United States, and in the mindset of his national decision making process.

Requirements:

1. Take the role of the President of the United States and analyze the author's premise in the Opinion Editorial (OpEd). The analysis should be delivered in first-person (not third person).

2. Agree or disagree with the author*****s premise

3. Assess the most important Instrument of National Power (IOP) (i.e., Diplomatic, Informational, Military, or Economic) in the context of this OpEd and provide courses of action to take along the lines of this IOP.

4. Analyze how your courses of actions will support the specific US National Interests (i.e., Security, Values, Prosperity, and International Order) as they apply to the countries identified in the OpEd.

5. Include an analysis of the entire region and any neighboring relations in the context of the OpEd*****s issues.

6. The essay should be a focused analysis using relevant concepts and specific examples from the provided course material (no other material is allowed) to support your thesis.

Specifics:

1. 12 page - double-space, single-sided, 1***** margins, Times New Roman 12 point font.

2. Use at least 12 separate/different course material references.

3. For course material references, include bracketed author*****s name and page number at the end of the statement [Brown, pg 167].

4. Include a reference page at the end of the essay (not to be counted as part of your essay for page count/length). The reference for course material should identify the author, lesson, reading number, and page number. Example:

Brown, L. Lesson 3, Reading 5 of 8.

Brown, Lestor R., *****The New Geopolitics of Food,***** Foreign Policy, 2011, 167, pps. 166-172.

5. The use of direct quotations is highly discouraged. If necessary, be sure to correctly use quotation marks when including exact wording from the source

6. In the intro, please tell me what the essay is going to talk about and highlight the thesis and the key points to read for throughout the document?

7. Please take a position and made a statement. Please use words like "compare", "analyze", "evaluate", "show", "prove"; and then follow through in the essay to accomplish just that. Avoid words like "discuss" or "consider.*****

8. In the conclusion, recap the major points and a re-statement of your thesis, having been proved or defended.





The OpEd:

China-Pakistan Proximity: Need For India's Pro-Active China Strategy -- Analysis

By Maitreya Buddha Samantaray

Written by: Eurasia Review

July 2, 2011

After the killing of Al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden, Pakistan's Prime Minister visited China on May 18, sending a message to US that it has other supporters to lean on. Dependency on China will further increase once US administration reduces its presence in Afghanistan. Chinese proximity with Pakistan to pursue its own interest rather than contributing anything for the regional stability may not go down well with Americans as well as India government.

Chinese assistance to international forces in Afghanistan and Pakistan has been very minimal thus far and are more in the nature of developmental aid rather than military support. It might be due to the apprehension that military support would have provoked militant retaliation on its restive western borders. Chinese are happy with the fact that international forces have been containing militancy in Afghanistan and not allowing militants to resort to subversive activities elsewhere including in Western borders of China. However, as the International forces presence will slowly diminish in the region, militants may resort to violence taking advantage of the power vacuum. It may also so happen that after the exit from Afghanistan and Pakistan, the US may refocus its strategic priorities on China in the Asia-Pacific region under the plea of dispelling Australia and India's China-centric fear and essentially that will be a major likely trouble for China in the coming days.

Domestically, China is facing serious inflation, public resentment against corruption and autocratic official behavior. Some foreign business houses started closing operations because of rising cost prompted by government-mandated wage increase and changes in commodity prices. US imports from China had dropped by $ 4 billion in March- the development may prompt revaluation of Chinese heavy reliance on US market for growth. Chinese recent loan assistance to Pakistan in Yuan is largely seen as China's strategy to internationalize the Yuan in order to deal with its current domestic financial pressure. It needs to be understood that Chinese support for Pakistan is more to counter India and US clout in the region than genuine intention of assisting destabilized Pakistan. Recently Indian Defense Minister A. K. Anthony has raised serious concerns about the heightened degree of defense cooperation between China and Pakistan and stated that India would have no choice but to build up its military capabilities in response. Presence of the People's Liberation Army engineers recently in Pakistan's Gilgit-Baltistan and reported arms deal including that of JF-17s are likely to create tensions in India's security establishment.

However Chinese are also cautious in establishing open pro-active relationship with Pakistan considering declining global image of Pakistan and China's own strategic considerations with India and the United States. China won't like to see a situation where in South Asian terrorism interfering with its pursuit of vital interests elsewhere. When Pakistan authorities reportedly leaked the information related to the reported offer of transforming a strategic deep-water port at Gwadar located in southwest Balochistan province on the Gulf of Oman to a naval base, Chinese were promptly dismissive of the report. Yet-to- be fully operational nature of the port, resistance from the local Baloch tribes, feasibility in maintaining continuous naval operations at such a distance will be detrimental in Chinese deeper engagement with port project.

Even, China has declined to confirm Pakistani claims regarding the fighter jets support. Previously, China didn't back Pakistan after Kargil war and after the Mumbai attacks, it again told Pakistan to clear doubts of use of its own soil for terror activities. China has not objected to the inclusion of India in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). China has time and often advised Pakistan to resolve the Kashmir issue amicably. So the notion that China back Pakistan all the time is unfounded. Chinese dependency on Pakistan can also be a geo-strategic-financial compulsion as Pakistan provides a good logistical route to access the natural resources of Afghanistan and Central Asia as well as provide new markets for its merchandise. It is in the interest of Pakistan that they should strongly convey US that its relations with China are not at the cost of US interests as it is not a zero- sum game.

Given the current geopolitical dynamics, India needs to devise a pragmatic and proactive China policy. Boundary dispute and the Tibet factor have been still affecting all aspects of the bilateral relationship. India's strategic interests will continue to be affected by China's policy to befriend India's neighbors. Considering the situation, it will be prudent on India's part to come closer with its neighbors in the form of financial aid. It's a fact that countries like Pakistan, Nepal, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka have developed proximity- induced mistrust of India and intends to hedge their ties with India with some kind of balancing act with China. It is imperative on India's part to eliminate such mistrust by sharing its new prosperity with smaller neighbors.

At the same time, it would be necessary for India to continue its 'engagement' policy towards China on the basis of its assessment that 'there is enough space for both to pursue their ambitions of economic development'. No doubt, while doing so, New Delhi should evolve an effective regional strategy to neutralize, as the Indian Prime Minister calls it, China's policy of "seeking to expand its influence in South Asia at India's expense". China is today India's largest trading partner, and both have worked together to advance similar positions in global trade and climate change negotiations. Additionally, it would be in India's interest to keep China strategically confined to East Asia and Central Asia through diplomatic and strategic maneuvers, and thereby deflecting China from its South Asian focus. Regular discussions and credible exchanges on military capabilities and doctrines can to a considerable extent ease tensions and dispel misinformation about intentions of both the countries. An eight-member multi-command Indian delegation's recent weeklong visit is a welcoming step. Both the countries can also devise strategies to initiate nuclear-confidence building pacts to enhance mutual trust.

It is observed that stalemate will continue until after 2017, when the 19th Congress of the Chinese Communist Party will possibly reaffirm the sixth generation of China's leaders in power and by that time India too will possibly have a young generation of leaders in power with a faded memory of the Sino-Indian war.



Please e-mail me that you have received and fully understand these instructions. The turn around time is 15 calendar days.

Thanks,

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