Term Paper on "Female Circumcision in Africa"

Term Paper 18 pages (4822 words) Sources: 8 Style: APA

[EXCERPT] . . . .

Female Circumcision

Varying Conceptions of Female Genital Cutting

Female circumcision, common in many African nations, is commonly associated with many assumptions and stereotypes. Among these are the beliefs by many Westerners that female circumcision is forced on women, that it is carried out using primitive methods, and that it is horrible and barbaric in all cultures where it occurs (Dellenborg, 2004). Many of these assumptions are based in fact and do accurately depict the methods some women have undergone ("Female genital mutilation," 2006). Some current research, however, suggest an alternate view of female circumcision. Some cultures are carrying out these practices in a manner that defies stereotypes and reinforces cultural value, sometimes even increasing the roles and power of women in the community (Dellenborg, 2006; Absharaf, 2001). Researching the context and the current conditions surrounding what is a cultural, symbolic, personal, and often political subject is necessary to put the conceptions of female circumcision in Africa into perspective.

The World Health Organization (WHO), the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), and other organizations offering aid in Africa place their concerns around female circumcision, also called female genital cutting, around the health and well being of the individuals they want to help ("Female genital mutilation," 2006). Their position is that female genital cutting poses a threat to the psychological, social, and physical well-being of girls and women, as well as all infants born to women with cutting. Yet, how extensive are these risks? How do they coincide with the implied social acceptance desired by those who commit themselves and their daughters to the tradition?

For thousands of years girls in Africa have endured genital cutting, often under conditions that did put their lives and well being at risk. Many areas now have better facilities, access to medical equipment, and trained (or partially trained) medical practitioners available. These advances have drastically affected both the choices and the outcomes for women in terms of female genital cutting. Some women and girls may undergo cutting in a safer environment, putting them at a lower risk for infection, hemorrhage, and complications. Those who have undergone cutting may also have access to medical facilities should there be complications with an operation or problems with childbirth due to female genital cutting.

These advances make female genital cutting even more difficult to fight against, especially since most supporters of the procedure are those who have undergone it themselves (von der Osten-Sacken & Uwer, 2007). Women who have undergone cutting and feel that it is necessary for their daughters are likely to use what they know of advancing medical availability in defense of what is an important tradition for them. As in many cultures, women (and men) are likely to prescribe themselves to traditions and conceptions of beauty and acceptability even under great risk or when outcomes are not considered ideal by outside cultures. In many communities, girls who have not undergone the procedure will be subject to harsh social judgment. How does this socially impact girls in comparison to the psychological and social impacts normally related to female genital cutting? If done in a physically safe manner, how unlike male circumcision is female genital cutting?

To identify risks related to female genital cutting it is necessary to look at the religious, social, physical, and political significance of the tradition. Since female genital cutting has a long history, many accounts exist both for and against it. Over the past century, many colonial attempts to restrict the tradition have also been made. Others attempts have been made to lessen the physical and social risks. How have all of these factors affected the current state of female genital cutting in Africa? Have medical and social advances, including globalization, affected the twenty-first century practice of female genital cutting?

Research investigating these questions is valuable on many levels. It is easy to accept the existing knowledge and research concerning female genital cutting, as it is easy for those in Western cultures to be horrified by the practice. However, much of the existing research falls short by providing inadequate data or by falling back on assumptions and information collected a decade or more ago. In an age of globalization, a lot can change in a decade. Using only research done in the twenty-first century, it is possible to identify what issues are still factors in the debate over female genital cutting. By doing so it may be possible to identify what physical, psychological, and social risks and implications female genital cutting has on the current population of African girls undergoing the procedure. It is also possible to identify what social and psychological gains may exist for the same women. Can varying conceptions of female genital cutting be reconciled? Is female genital cutting a barbaric tradition or does it play a crucial role in the cultural identity of African women?

Varying conceptions of female genital cutting in Africa in the twenty-first century: Cultural identity vs. barbaric tradition

1. Introduction

Female genital cutting evokes a strong emotional response from those in Western cultures. Many reports indicate that it is a barbaric practice, performed with un-sterilized cutting tools by untrained individuals (Boddy, 2006). Images of screaming girls forced to endure an un-anesthetized surgery are commonly indicated. Why would anyone do such a procedure on a young girl, likely a daughter or a loved one?

The answer to this question is quite complex. Thousands of years of history have played a part in the development of a tradition that has religious, social, cultural, physical, and even political impact (Abusharaf, 2001). Some might argue that female genital cutting is not unlike male circumcision but for the fact that the girls are normally older when the procedure occurs. Anthropologically, it is not uncommon for individuals of many cultures to undergo painful rituals to meet culturally prescribed ideals of beauty or acceptance. Yet, female genital cutting seems more disturbing to many because it affects the personal and sexual identities of women while also putting their lives and the lives of their children at risk.

In a global environment, Africa is no longer isolated in terms of knowledge and technology. More than one hundred years of colonial and missionary entry into the continent has made access to medical knowledge and care more prevalent. Though medical struggles are still obvious in a continent ravaged by both famine and HIV, it is no longer unheard of for women to receive prenatal care or to give birth in clinics ("Female genital mutilation," 2006). Has access to medical care and knowledge affected the risks involved in female genital cutting, or has it exacerbated it?

This paper intends to identify what risks or benefits exist for African women who undergo female genital cutting in the twenty first century. A review of the history and key terminology will establish a base knowledge on the subject, followed by a discussion of the religious/cultural, social, physical, and political significance. This paper will review existing literature on female genital cutting, with preference for essays and research committed after the year 2000. Discussion will identify what perceived risks and benefits exist for women undergoing female genital cutting in the twenty first century according to existing research and accounts. Do current modern conditions make the procedure an acceptable risk to maintain cultural identity? Is the cultural identity purportedly maintained by the tradition in itself a risk to the well being of girls in Africa? This paper will make conclusions and recommendations for additional research based on the relevance of the discussion.

2. Background

According to Yount (2007), classification of the different kinds of female genital cutting is currently under revision. However, there are historically four classifications, female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C) I-IV. Female genital cutting will be the preferred reference in this paper due to the neutral nature of its wording. It is sometimes also referred to as female circumcision. FGC I includes the removal or some or all of the clitoris. This may also be called clitoridectomy (Dellenborg, 2004). FGC II removes the clitoris and some or all of the labia minora (the inner vaginal lips). FGC III removes the clitoris, some or all of the labia minora, plus the cutting and suturing of the labia majora. This often includes the stitching or narrowing of the vaginal opening and is also called infibulation (Yount, 2007; "Female genital mutilation," 2006). FGC IV includes a variety of other, often radical, practices including cauterization, blood letting of the clitoris, cutting of the vagina, or the use of corrosive substances to tighten the area (Yount, 2007). Some methods are more common depending on the area and the person performing the procedure.

According to the World Health Organization, more than 100 million girls and women worldwide have undergone female genital cutting on some level ("Female genital mutilation," 2006). Girls undergoing the procedure range in age from a few days old to puberty (Abusharaf, 2001). Depending on the area, culture, ethnicity, class, and political climate, the procedure may be done secretly or may be a joyous community celebration. The actual… READ MORE

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