Term Paper on "American National Security"

Term Paper 5 pages (1879 words) Sources: 5 Style: Chicago

[EXCERPT] . . . .

American Military Security: The Dangers of Using Hard Power Alone

Almost everyone is familiar with what political scientists call 'hard power.' Its definition is almost self-evident. However, according to strategic theorist Joseph Nye, leaders who solely focus on compellence or military and economically coercive power do so at their peril in the new geopolitical environment. Such leaders of nations are, in his words, one-dimensional thinkers in what is now inexorably a three-dimensional game of international bargaining. A better, more subtle and potent form of influence is that of soft power, the kind of power that is extended through less obvious uses of the term. When nations wish to exert influence over other nations, Nye asserts, although the first and most obvious recourse might seem to be using a series of carrots and sticks such as threatening armed invasion or economic sanctions, often the most forceful domination is the kind that can only build over time. Nye's critique of the importance of hard power is just as seismic, and just as important as the earlier complementary theory of Thomas Schelling's Arms and Influence, (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1966) which stressed the failure of the rational actor model to explain state decision-making. Decisions are made according to a constellation of influences, including culture, ideology, economics, and social capital -- thus the tools of soft power, however subjective, are essential to keep in mind when analyzing any decision making on the international stage.

Exercising the option of soft power includes having a sustained moral influence over the rest of the world, and shining as an inspirational political, social, and economic model for other peoples. For example, during the waning days of the Cold War, as more individuals were exposed to the Western media the constraints placed upon them began to seem more unfair, and the lies told to them about the misery of life under capitalism and the pleasures of life under communism became more transparent. Positive examples of the effectiveness of soft power in everyday life include organizations where executive mangers use their charismatic power to get employees to want to do what they are supposed to do, as employees turn in a better job performance because of the manger's subtle methods of persuasion. Community policing is also an example of positively deployed soft power outside of the international sphere.

Soft power is not a new ideal. Soft power in 18th Europe was manifested in how the strength of population density formed critical source of power for nations. High population totals provided a base for taxes and the recruitment of infantry. Population density today is a source of power for China, as it is tied to buying and manufacturing power in the new global economy. An attractive personality, an inclusive culture, a legitimate leadership and consistency between ideals and actions all generate a positive image for individuals, organizations and nations. But these resources can be frustratingly difficult to quantify. Soft power resources cannot be judged without knowing their context -- for example, for a long time England's relatively small population was not an inhibition of its power.

One of the current blunders of simply seeing the world in terms of hard power currency is manifest is the undervaluing, until very recently, of the cultural and economic influence of the European Union. Its strong currency, the Euro, and united economic if not political front, and the moral power it wields over other nations such as Turkey, in terms of allowing a nations' admission to its fold cannot be quantified like the power of an army, but is clear and manifest. A similar parallel from the past might be seen in the power of Japan in the Far East during the 1980s and 1990s. Japan exerted great influence in terms of its corporate and organizational structures upon other nations, as well as its dominance in exporting manufactured goods such as electronics and automobiles, although its military was very small. The Vatican had great soft power influence upon Poland during the Solidarity Movement in the 1980s, and racial segregation undercut American soft power influence during the 1950s by making its preaching of democracy to other nations seem hypocritical.

The pervasiveness of American popular culture in the form of soft power has been both positive and negative. On one hand, in China, seeing American films has subtly reinforced the ability of that nations' citizens to envision change and advocate individual empowerment through the legal system: "We've seen a lot of American movies...so now we think it's only natural to go to court a few times in your life," observed one Chinese citizen, despite the communist Chinese government's stress upon citizen compliance and docility in the past. On the other hand, American conspicuous consumption can create a negative image of America in the minds of many international media consumers, even when they are taking a vicarious delight in images of American excess, as in the case of "Dynasty" and "Dallas" in the mid-80s. Also, cultural influence cannot be equated with power and political change: "Serbs eating at McDonald's supported Milosevic" Nye points out. The presence of McDonald's in France spawned rioting amongst French farmers, rather than an embrace of American culture, and even the determined embrace of American products by European consumers may have a certain contempt, rather than affection.

Now that the perceived influence of American is on the decline, given the Bush Administration's failed military policies in Iraq, and the dollar is falling, the old American association with luxury is now cheap and easy for Europeans to buy. Thus although some theorists have attempted to quantify which hard and soft interests always take predominance, classifying some power interests as first order or core national interests, others as second order interest and finally third order issues that only have a subtle influence over predominant some shadow over interests, the actual playing-out of these influences, and the way that leaders and peoples emotionally as well as rationally evaluate these interests in the context of their culture seem to vary wildly in ways that are difficult to predict, especially for individuals outside of the national or regional culture.

However, the waning power of American soft power seems inexorably connected to a recent overreliance upon using hard power to fight the so-called 'War on Terror' by the current administration. The Bush Administration has stated in no uncertain terms that relying upon on sanctions and other forms of soft power are insufficient to deal with terrorism. To bolster the demand for more sanctions and use of hard power, however, the Bush Administration has used some moral authority, arguing that "just as in the Cold War, the American way of life as a free and liberal people is at stake" in the conflict. The Bush Administration has argued that the new enemy of America now is not communism but terrorism.

But the Bush Administration has instigated criticisms at home and abroad that America is developing an empire bent not on freedom as much as the exploitation of other nations and allegations that "have only intensified since the U.S. invaded Iraq, and the mistreatment of "unlawful combatants" that "have eroded the position of eminence once held by the U.S. government regarding concern for human rights. The "Bush doctrine" advocates using hard power to attack terrorism wherever this transnational power may lurk, but while human rights are "ostensibly what the U.S. is trying to protect, yet it is arguably one of the first ideals compromised in the fight." In a recent article for Political Science Quarterly Nye builds upon his thesis of the importance of soft power, and has suggested that the challenges posed by transnational terrorism require more attention to soft power and cooperation with allies and institutions to fight a power that cannot be subsumed into a single, national enclosure but is itself, according to the terrorist's own worldview, seen a cultural war.

The continued hostility to what is seen as America's imposition of its own cultural values, such as secularism and Westernization, can be seen in the reluctance of prospective partner nations such as Pakistan, offering support to American objectives. "There is little doubt that Pakistan's assistance and support to the United States has been critical both in the conduct of Operation Enduring Freedom specifically and to the war on terror generally. However, it remains to be seen to what extent Pakistan will continue to be a supportive alliance partner of the United States in the war on terrorism and how long it will remain so....[unlike the U.S.] Pakistan...does not perceive a threat from Iran and Iraq" and faces severe financial limitations upon its ability to curtail terrorist influences through its military and law enforcement capacity. Pakistan, like many other nations where terrorist cells reside, is politically unstable, although the United States hopes to exert some influence though the type of 'soft power' that has created some allied sources of support from the nation, such as "attempting to provide training and facilities to enable Pakistan to more effectively investigate… READ MORE

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