Term Paper on "Africa and UN System"

/>One of the major points in the Charter was specifically focused on the fate of the former colonies that would be administered by a Trusteeship Council. (United Nations, art. 85) This action must be seen from a double perspective. On the one hand, it was the obvious continuation of the system set in place before 1945, through the League of Nations. The technique of the trusteeship system was in fact a reminiscence of the former League of Nations, which proved to be ineffective in dealing with issues relating to the colonial system and the territories of the defeated imperial powers. The United Nations in this sense tried to correct the errors made by its predecessor and disposed of a more relaxed and democratic control framework for the territories that had gained their independence. However, the basic idea behind the new system can be summarized as "the lines and trims are different, but basic engineering is the same." (Bennett, 1988) on the other hand, it represented the means agreed by all decision-making parties for dealing with the remaining signs of a world that had, in the U.S.'s opinion, long passed, that was the colonial period.

The historical colonial background of the U.S. determined it to take a strong stand against any possibility of maintaining the colonial system as part of any postwar agreement and reshaping of the world. (Kissinger, 1994) at the same time, the political interests of all the three major powers that decided upon the blueprint of the peacetime imposed them an attitude that eventually favored the independence, although limited, of the former colonial possessions. Therefore, the current third world countries, which in large parts represent the African continent, were from the very beginning both under the overprotective eye of a system that had from the onset limited means and capabilities, and under the scrutiny of the trusteeship powers.

This background on the issue at hand enables the proper presentation of the causes and effects of the failing UN policy towards third world countries, as well as its current results. Indeed, the highly anticipated UN reform can be seen as an opportunity for the small and poor countries to have their say in the reshaping of the institutional and political framework of the organization.

There are various causes for the failing UN diplomacy in the poor countries of Africa.

In the first place, the emerging postcolonial conflicts that occurred after the achievement of independence happened at a time when the UN was practically paralyzed by the major dispute of the Cold War between the U.S. And Russia, which reverberated in all corners of the world. Thus, in each country that had just gained its independence, there were fierce battles between the western power and the communist one. This in turn led to a power vacuum that was felt at all the levels of the society and people reacted accordingly, through the use of violent means. At this point in the conflict, the UN was unable, unauthorized, and underequipped to face up to tensions that were constantly erupting around the world. This incapacity was also felt at the level of the specialized agencies that rarely had any possibility to help those in need.

Another reason for the failure or limited success of the UN missions and the specialized agencies is the lack of a proper infrastructure, both at the local level, and at the institutional one. (Addison, 2003) the war torn countries from Africa, especially following the end of the Cold War, lack the proper road system, the special infrastructure that could enable the transportation of food supplies and needed assistance. Taking into consideration the fact that "the period 1990-2000 saw 19 major armed-conflicts in Africa, ranging from civil wars to the 1998-2000 war between Eritrea and Ethiopia," there is little possibility for the political system in the respective countries to offer support to international relief agencies in order to ease the work of the aid volunteers. (Addison, 2003) Thus, it can be said that at the institutional level, there is a constant gap of communication and political will that impends the international community to deal with the situations on the ground.

The African continent has always been perceived as an important source of cheap labor force and natural resources. In fact, it is the combination of these two elements that made the continent attractive for the British and French expeditionary forces in the 19th century. (Berstein and Milza, 1994) Therefore, little attention had been given to the political manifestations on the Black continent. During the Cold War and in the time following the fall of the Berlin Wall the atrocities of civil wars the one from Congo, the genocide from Rwanda, or the starvation in Somalia did not attract the interest of neither the international community as a whole, nor the public opinion and the private donors to the extend the situation demanded. This proved to be a decisive element in conflicts such as Rwanda or Somalia, and a pessimistic scenario is looming in the Sudanese region of Darfur. The lack of attention or concern for the state of human fellows cost the lives of millions of people and marked the future of poor countries around the world. (Russbach, 1994)

The effects of this limited reaction from the international are obvious in the current state of affairs in countries that either were affected by the civil war flagellum, or were unable to benefit from the support offered through international agencies. Eloquent examples are Angola, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Guinea-Bissau, and Mozambique which were all destroyed by internal conflicts; yet, none of them can actually part from a war torn history. Currently, according to studies on the matter, "Mozambique has made the most economic and social progress, with sustained growth since 1994; recovery has restarted in Eritrea and Ethiopia after being knocked off course by the 1998-2000 war; and Guinea-Bissau has achieved a measure of political stability after the turmoil of the late 1990s. Angola may finally be at peace, but it will take years of hard work to ensure that the new peace agreement sticks, and does not go the way of previous (failed) agreements." (Addison, 2003) Therefore, despite serious problems and concerns, a timid evolution in the area does occur. However, taking into account the pressures, any reformist political actor is faced with in poor countries; it is questionable whether the pace and the intent of the reforms can be maintained.

To this end, the help and support of the international scene is essential for the encouragement of the stars and continuation of the progress made in African countries. Nonetheless, not always the support received from the specialized agencies of the UN and the collaborating bodies of the organization proves to have the desired effect. Thus, while the UNDP is relatively successful in some areas, it fails dramatically in others. At the same time, for instance, the International Labor Organization, one of UN's specialized agencies, aware of the great responsibility it has in promoting a new dimension for employment in African countries, still urges its collaborators to increase the possibilities for the African population to benefit from what the UNDP considers to be at the heart of poverty reduction. The Administrator of the Program for Africa underlined in a public appearance that "decent work is at the heart of development and has to… READ MORE